“No,” Musk said. “No. NO.” There was a long pause. “No mirrors, no pedals, no steering wheel. This is me taking responsibility for this decision.”... “Let me be clear," he said slowly. “This vehicle must be designed as a clean Robotaxi. We’re going to take that risk. It’s my fault if it fucks up. ...” @elonmusk , 2022 — from @WalterIsaacson biography. Four years later, that bet looks like it paid off.

Concerning

What the Legacy Media calls the “Right” and “Far Right”. The vast majority of normal people...

FSD Supervised now approved in Slovenia 🇸🇮 Rollout will begin soon

Before @ElonMusk bought Twitter, you couldn't notice that foreigners committed most of the group rapes in Germany, despite being just 15% of the population. By lifting censorship, says @Pauline__Voss, Musk unleashed a “vibe shift” that led to @AfD's historic victory.

The "far right" party is headed by a lesbian feminist with a wife from Sri Lanka?

BREAKING: Starlink is now officially live on Austrian Airlines. 🇦🇹 CEO Annette Mann boarded the aircraft to mark Austrian Airlines’ first Starlink-enabled flight from Vienna to Porto today.

Now the Third Man – Rudi Dutschke – The Man Who Gave the Long March Its Name. Gramsci invented the strategy. Dutschke named it – and then went out and implemented it, in the streets of West Berlin, in 1968, with a generation of students who had read Gramsci and were ready to march. 1. Born in East Germany in 1940, he fled to West Berlin in 1961 – two days before the Wall went up. He had seen actually existing socialism from the inside – and concluded not that the project was wrong, but that the method was. He didn’t want that version. He wanted a better one – built from the inside of the Western institutions rather than imposed from above by a party apparatus. 2. He read Gramsci. He read Mao. And he synthesized them into the phrase that named the entire project: der lange Marsch durch die Institutionen – the long march through the institutions. Not Gramsci’s phrase. Dutschke’s. Gramsci had described the mechanism. Dutschke gave it the slogan that made it actionable, transmissible, and operational for an entire generation. The phrase spread across Europe in 1968 like a match dropped in dry grass. Every student who heard it understood immediately what it meant and what it required. 3. The target was precisely identified: not the state, not the economy, but the institutions that reproduced the cultural hegemony – the universities, the media, the schools, the churches, the legal system. Infiltrate them. Occupy them from within. Replace the people who ran them with people who shared the counter-hegemonic project. Don’t storm the Reichstag. Get a job in the editorial office. Get a position in the faculty. Get appointed to the curriculum committee. The revolution would happen through tenure, not through barricades. 4. On April 11, 1968, Josef Bachmann shot Dutschke in the head on the Kurfürstendamm in West Berlin. Three bullets. Dutschke survived – but never fully recovered. He spent the rest of his life in partial recovery, moving between Germany, Denmark, and Britain, still writing, still thinking, still speaking at conferences with the damaged brain of a man who had been shot for his ideas. He died in 1979, drowning in his bathtub during an epileptic seizure caused by the brain damage from the shooting. He was thirty-nine. 5. The shooting produced something Bachmann had not intended: it made Dutschke a martyr and the movement a cause. The protests that followed — directed primarily at the Axel Springer media company, whose tabloid Bild the students blamed for inciting violence — were the largest street demonstrations in West Germany since the war. The attempt to silence the long march accelerated it. The generation radicalized by the shooting went on to become exactly what Dutschke had described: the professors, the journalists, the civil servants, the judges. The bullet proved his point. 6. Gramsci designed the theory in a prison in Italy. Dutschke gave it its name and its generation in Berlin. The 1968 student movement he led was the transmission mechanism – the moment the Prison Notebooks left the academy and became a political program with a slogan, a street presence, and a generational identity. Without Dutschke, Gramsci remains a text. With Dutschke, he becomes a movement. The long march through the institutions began, as a practical matter, in West Berlin in 1968, among students who knew precisely where they were going and had a name for the route. 7. The institutions they marched through are now theirs. The universities, the media, the civil service, the judiciary – all transformed, over fifty years, exactly as Dutschke described. He was shot for saying it could be done. It was done. The man who named the march did not live to see its completion. He died at thirty-nine in a bathtub, from the damage done by a bullet fired by someone who thought killing him would stop the march. It did not stop the march. It never does. Ideas shot in the head have a way of surviving their authors. Even the bad ones.

Does the legacy media *ever* use the term “far left”?

All it takes to be called "far-right" by BBC is to oppose this

“people wouldn’t commit crimes if they could just afford food” they would, actually. Finland studied this by giving people UBI, and it had precisely zero impact on crime

🚨 NEWS: Our groundbreaking new investigation into the scale of Britain’s free speech crisis is front page of the Mail on Sunday today. Time for @andyburnham to listen - we want a free speech reset. I’ve written to him today calling for an urgent review into our laws on speech